In an interview with the Evening Standard, the basics of which were reproduced by The Times of South Africa, Winnie Mandela rattled the white community of the country with some home truths. The main point Ms Mandela made was that her former husband, President Nelson Mandela, negotiated a bad deal for black people and that indigenous Africans continued to suffer what may best be described as the deep impact of historical structural violence. There is, however, more to the issue…. Much more. The main point is that Ms Mandela is basically correct, and two points (for now) may suffice to demonstrate this “bad deal”.
First, the negotiations process that lead to the end of National Party-rule was based on compromise. This is, of course, true of almost all negotiations processes. During personal conversations with FW de Klerk at the time, he specifically told me that “a compromise is never a good thing for a politician” and that he was not happy with the compromises he had made. Later, during conversations with President Mandela, while I was a journalist and much later when I worked on one of his speeches for the Opening of Parliament, he discussed, with apparent discomfort, “some of the compromises” he had to make during the negotiations process. The compromise was plain to see, of course, in the so-called “sunset clauses” that were built into the initial settlement agreement.
Second, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission is generally held out to have helped “heal” the country … In an exchange (during a press conference) with Justice Minister Dullah Omar in the process before the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act, Number 34 (1995) went through Parliament, I pointed to the terms of reference and in particular to the fact that it essentially covered the gross violations of human rights committed between the ANC and the apartheid government – and not the structural violence of the racism, sexism and bigotry that was part of European/white dominance and abuse of dominance in South Africa over an extended period. At the time I referred to the terms of reference as being “misty-eyed”; Dullah Omar repeated the phrase and insisted: Yes, he said, it was misty-eyed in the sense that it was about moving forward.
What is closer to the truth is that the TRC, indeed, failed to address the structural and systemic violence that 400 years of white domination and half-a-century of apartheid rule against indigenous Africans. By structural violence I refer to what the social scientist, Johan Gultung, explained as a form of violence which is congruent with systematic ways in which a given social structure, in the case of South Africa this was European imperialism and then apartheid, killed people slowly by preventing them from meeting their basic needs and/or reaching their full will and potential on their own terms. This type of violence is meted out to those people whose externally ascribed social status (apartheid’s racial categories) denied them full access to the fruits of whatever scientific and social progress may be had. On this basis, I concluded at the time that the TRC was about moving forward in the process of “nation-building” and not about justice. After I moved from journalism to the government in July 1995, this latter point was emphasised by very senior government ministers – time and again. In short, to the extent that the negotiations process and the TRC represented a victory or any kind of justice for indigenous Africans, the victory was pyrrhic.
Finally, there is sufficient evidence to show that, in general, inequality between a small elite and the majority indigenous Africans has grown significantly since the mid-1990s. We have seen, therefore, evidence of what Patrick Bond described as an “elite transition” in South Africa, and no amount of positions on boards of directors or equity-sharing and distribution to black people will take away the basic fact that through the imposition of neo-liberal economic policies, the ruling class of the apartheid era, to which has been added a few black faces, continues to rule, and the government has become nothing more than a committee for managing the common affairs of the new middle class – which happens to be dominated, still, by whites.
Three personal notes:
1. Someone (a white male) whom I had befriended over the past several months reacted in apparent horror to a statement I made on a social-networking site in which I suggested that Winnie Mandela had made a good point. The person proceeded to insult me, personally, and refused to address the matter in an intellectually honest manner. The exchange was unfortunate, but it may well be a reflection of how delicate the issue (of race relations in South Africa) really is. To me, at least, it confirmed that among whites who have positioned themselves as part of “the new South Africa”, there remains much anger, which they expected us to believe was justified, but that anger from black people and indigenous Africans, in particular, was “counter productive” or racist etc.
2. The reference to whites in South Africa is, of course, a generalisation. I have always insisted, as have many others, that there were/always have been/always will be white people in South Africa who align/ed themselves with with liberation and associated their own views with emancipatory politics in Africa. From the top of my head, consider, for instance, the Kasrils family, names like Slovo, Albie Sachs, Edwin Cameron – the list is long and highly significant – and (white) people who are very, very dear to me (again, off the top of my head and in no particular order or reason) people like Patrick Bond, Irwin Manoim and Anton Harber, Gavin Evans; bums like Robbie Thorpe, James Phillips, James Sey, Andrew Beattie and Paul Drosdzol or Jeremy Crawford (people I can honestly say that I love and respect) and any of the other journalists and activists (and the dronkies) with whom I have had the honour and privilege to work and play – and from whom I have learned.
3. The views I expressed in this short post are consistent with the ones I stated on Thought Leader after the death of Helen Suzman more than a year ago, in which I said that Ms Suzman had it good. They are, also, consistent with one of the points in a review of the film Invictus I wrote for the French magazine, Africa Report last month.
So, there ought to be no surprise. The only surprise, on my part, is how white people who seemed to be down – attacked me personally for making a statement such as which I made in this blog post….













